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<title>New York University Law and Economics Working Papers</title>
<copyright>Copyright (c) 2012 NELLCO All rights reserved.</copyright>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp</link>
<description>Recent documents in New York University Law and Economics Working Papers</description>
<language>en-us</language>
<lastBuildDate>Sun, 05 Feb 2012 01:34:35 PST</lastBuildDate>
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<title>IS THE TRADEMARK OFFICE A RUBBER STAMP?</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/291</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/291</guid>
<pubDate>Fri, 03 Feb 2012 09:39:37 PST</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>We have long lacked basic information concerning what proportion of trademark applications submitted to the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (PTO) result in publication in the Official Gazette and in registration.  Working from a previously unstudied dataset observing each of the some five million trademark registration applications submitted to the PTO from 1981 through 2010, this brief symposium contribution seeks to fill this gap in our knowledge.  It reports and analyzes trademark application publication and registration rates at the PTO along a variety of dimensions, including by the year and filing basis of the application, by the type of mark that is the subject of the application and the category of goods or services with which the mark is associated, by the type and country of origin of the commercial entity applying for registration, and by the final status of applications that failed to survive to publication or registration.  The article finds, in particular, that the publication rate for all applications filed from 1981 through 2007 was .76 and remained reasonably steady over the course of that period.  The registration rate for all applications from 1981 to the November 16, 1989 effective date of Trademark Law Revision Act, which introduced the Intent to Use (ITU) filing basis, was .77.  For all applications thereafter to 2007, the overall registration rate dropped to .53, largely as a result of ITU applications that failed to show use.  The article speculates on why overall publication rates are significantly higher than 50 percent and why overall registration rates are strikingly close to 50 percent.</p>

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<author>Barton Beebe</author>


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<title>The Vicissitudes of Tort: A Response to Professors Rabin, Sebok &amp; Zipursky</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/290</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/290</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 10:40:55 PST</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This  response essay probes three themes that tie together three articles  submitted for a tort symposium on “The Limits of Predictability and the  Value of Uncertainty.” First, I explore the use of unpredictability as a  code word for an assault on tort doctrine in response to an  out-of-control tort system. In his historical account of the evolution  of tort, Professor Rabin focuses on the canonical “no duty” rules of the  nineteenth century and the contemporary rules-based limitations on  open-textured liability in the twentieth century. But largely missing  from this account is the story of rules promoting tort liability, such  as strict liability, vicarious liability, negligence per se, and the  like. Second, I probe the link between unpredictability and insurance. I  argue that Professor Sebok’s efforts to distinguish champerty from  illegal gambling and to analogize it to a form of insurance will  inevitably fall short of establishing social acceptance or embrace of  the practice. Third, I highlight the role of the U.S. Supreme Court and  its incursions into the state law domain of tort in the name of  predictability. Professor Rabin is doubtful that the U.S. Supreme Court  will achieve great strides in its endeavor to quell unpredictability in  punitive damages. Professor Zipursky has considerable angst about the  Court’s making inroads into privacy and emotional distress torts. Such  incursions are in keeping with the Court’s longer-term project of  procedural reform of the civil litigation system in the name of  unpredictability, but are novel in their ambition to launch frontal  attacks.</p>

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<author>Catherine M. Sharkey</author>


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<title>Economic Analysis of Punitive Damages: Theory, Empirics, and Doctrine</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/289</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/289</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 26 Jan 2012 10:40:51 PST</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This  chapter — to be included in Research Handbook on the Economics of Torts  (Arlen ed., Kluwer, forthcoming 2012) — assesses economic rationales for  punitive damages in light of contemporary empirics and doctrine. The  primary economic rationale for supra-compensatory damages is optimal  deterrence (or loss internalization): when compensatory damages alone  will not induce an actor to take cost-justified safety precautions, then  supra-compensatory damages are necessary to force the actor to  internalize the full scope of the harms caused by his actions.   Alternative economic rationales — disgorgement of ill-gotten gains and  enforcement of property rights — have been proposed to align the theory  with the historical and conventional focus of punitive damages on  intentionally wrongful behavior.</p>
<p>Notwithstanding its academic  prominence, the economic deterrence rationale has not dominated  doctrine. In fact, the U.S. Supreme Court has all but rejected economic  deterrence, by instead placing increasing emphasis on a competing  retributive punishment rationale.  But, since punitive damages lie  squarely within the purview of state law, state legislatures and courts  possess a degree of freedom to articulate state-based goals of punitive  damages — such as economic deterrence — even in the face of heavy-handed  federal constitutional review imposed by the U.S. Supreme Court.</p>

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<author>Catherine M. Sharkey</author>


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<title>Performance of HAMP Versus Non-HAMP Loan Modifications – Evidence from New York City</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/288</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/288</guid>
<pubDate>Tue, 06 Dec 2011 13:31:29 PST</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Policymakers  have heralded mortgage modifications as a key to addressing the ongoing  foreclosure crisis. However, there is a lack of research about whether  modifications are successful at helping borrowers stay current on their  loans over the long run and what kinds of modifications are most  successful. Our empirical strategy employs logit models in a hazard  framework to explain how loan, borrower, property, servicer and  neighborhood characteristics, along with differences in the types of  modifications, affect the likelihood of redefault. The dataset includes  both HAMP modifications and proprietary modifications. Our results demonstrate that borrowers who receive HAMP modifications have been considerably more successful in staying current than those receiving non-HAMP modifications.</p>

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<author>Ioan Voicu et al.</author>


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<title>Determinants of the Incidence of Loan Modifications</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/287</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/287</guid>
<pubDate>Mon, 07 Nov 2011 13:24:41 PST</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This  paper combines data on the performance of mortgage loans with detailed  borrower, neighborhood, and property characteristics to examine the  factors that determine the outcomes of seriously delinquent loans. We  employ multinomial logit models in a hazard framework to explain how  loan, borrower, property, servicer and neighborhood characteristics  affect which of the following four outcomes results from a seriously  delinquent loan:   (1) the borrower cures the delinquency; (2) the  borrower and lender agree to modify the loan; (3) the borrower suffers a  liquidation (short sale, deed in lieu, foreclosure auction sale or  REO); or (4) the loan becomes more months delinquent. In particular, we  focus on mortgage modification. We find that the outcomes of delinquent  loans are significantly related to: current LTV, FICO scores, especially  risky loan characteristics, the servicer of the loan, neighborhood  housing price appreciation, and whether the borrower received  foreclosure counseling.</p>

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<author>Vicki Been et al.</author>


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<title>The Principle of Misalignment: Duty, Damages, and the Nature of Tort Liability</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/286</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/286</guid>
<pubDate>Wed, 26 Oct 2011 08:18:18 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>When a tort rule is fully aligned, harms are valued equally across the elements. Because the valuation of harm within duty equals the valuation within the damages remedy, a fully aligned rule gives dutyholders the option to fully comply with the duty with respect to any harm by paying (the equally valued) compensatory damages for that harm. Full alignment characterizes a rule of strict liability but not negligence liability, which partially misaligns the elements for reasons of principle. Owing to its primary reliance on the damages remedy, a fully aligned rule is unable to address adequately the problem of irreparable injury, a common law category encompassing bodily injury and damage to real or tangible property. In cases of irreparable injury, the common law has long recognized the principle that it is better to prevent the harm instead of attempting to compensate for its occurrence with the inherently inadequate monetary damages award. This principle explains why tort law has adopted a default rule of negligence liability that seeks to prevent the irreparable injury of physical harm without imposing undue hardship on the dutyholder. To function in this manner, the negligence rule must misalign the elements so that dutyholders are prohibited from rejecting the primary duty of care (based on a higher legal valuation of harm) in exchange for payment of (the lower-valued) compensatory damages.</p>
<p>The principle of misalignment reorients the interpretation of tort law in a manner that has been missed by leading accounts. It decisively shows that courts have formulated the negligence rule in a fundamentally inefficient manner, while also showing that the rights-based accounts of corrective justice must explain why that form of justice would primarily value the exercise of reasonable care as opposed to the payment of compensatory damages. For reasons revealed by the misaligned negligence rule, that type of explanation can be supplied by a compensatory tort norm that redirects the dutyholder’s compensatory obligation from the damages remedy into expenditures that would prevent physical harm, yielding the type of misaligned negligence rule that now constitutes the default rule of tort liability. In a world of irreparable injuries and scarce resources, the varied limitations of tort liability can all be understood in relation to a norm of compensation for reasons fully illustrated by the misaligned negligence rule.</p>

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<author>Mark A. Geistfeld</author>


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<title>DUE PROCESS AND THE DETERRENCE RATIONALE FOR PUNITIVE DAMAGES</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/285</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/285</guid>
<pubDate>Wed, 26 Oct 2011 08:18:14 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Courts in the U.S. have widely recognized that punitive damages can be justified on grounds of either deterrence or retribution. As conventionally justified, however, the deterrence rationale for punitive damages apparently violates the federal constitutional requirement of due process for reasons that are likely to be of concern for any jurisdiction that justifies punitive damages in this manner. To promote the objective of general deterrence, tort law must subject risky actors to liability for the full cost of the injuries that they have tortiously inflicted on others. Liability for compensatory damages can achieve this outcome, but in many cases the tortious actor is not sued by the full set of victims. The ensuing liability shortfall can be offset by the award of punitive damages to those victims who successfully sue and recover compensatory damages. These punitive awards, however, are based on nonparty harms for which the defendant has otherwise avoided liability. Consequently, if harms to nonparties are excluded from the damages calculation as a matter of due process, then it would seem to follow that courts are prevented from formulating punitive damages to further the social interest in general deterrence.</p>
<p>The limitation of punitive damages to the amount required to vindicate the plaintiff’s tort right, however, does not prevent these awards from furthering the social interest in general deterrence. In a mass market, the rights-violation suffered by the plaintiff/consumer (e.g., physical harm caused by the defectively designed product) is no different from the violations faced by a large number of similarly situated rightholders (other consumers in the market exposed to the defective product). Due to the interdependence of rights-violations in mass markets, a punitive award that fully vindicates the plaintiff’s tort right will necessarily account for the manner in which the defendant failed to adequately account for the interests of similarly situated rightholders. Punitive damages can further the social interest in general deterrence, even though the fundamental requirement of due process limits a defendant’s tort liability to the amount of damages that vindicate the plaintiff’s individual tort right.</p>

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<author>Mark A. Geistfeld</author>


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<title>The Role of Neighborhood Characteristics in Mortgage Default Risk:  Evidence from New York City</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/284</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/284</guid>
<pubDate>Mon, 24 Oct 2011 08:17:00 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Using a rich database of non-prime mortgages from New York City, we find that census tract level neighborhood characteristics are important predictors of default behavior, even after controlling for an extensive set of controls for loan and borrower characteristics. First, default rates increase with the rate of foreclosure notices and the number of lender-owned properties (REOs) in the tract. Second, default rates on home purchase mortgages are higher in census tracts with larger shares of black residents, regardless of the borrower’s own race. We explore possible explanations for this second finding and conclude that it likely reflects differential treatment of black neighborhoods by the mortgage industry in ways that are unobserved in our data.</p>

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<author>Sewin Chan et al.</author>


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<title>CONSUMER BIASES AND FIRM OWNERSHIP</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/283</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/283</guid>
<pubDate>Tue, 18 Oct 2011 10:46:15 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>In this paper we show how ownership of the firm by its customers, as well as nonprofit status, can prevent the firm from exploiting consumer biases. By eliminating an outside residual claimant with control over the firm, these alternatives to investor ownership reduce the incentive of the firm to offer contractual terms that exploit the mistakes consumers make. However, customers who are unaware of their behavioral biases, and consequent vulnerability to exploitation, may fail to recognize this advantage of non-investor-owned firms and instead continue to patronize investor-owned firms. We present evidence from the consumer financial services market that supports our theory. Comparing contract terms, we find that mutually owned firms offer lower penalties, such as default interest rates, and higher up-front prices, such as introductory interest rates, than do investor-owned firms. However, consumers most vulnerable to these penalties are no more likely to use mutually owned firms.</p>

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<author>Ryan Bubb et al.</author>


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<title>Delegation in Immigration Law</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/282</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/282</guid>
<pubDate>Wed, 12 Oct 2011 07:45:53 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Immigration  law both screens migrants and regulates the behavior of migrants after  they have arrived. Both activities are information-intensive because the  migrant’s “type” and the migrant’s post-arrival activity are often  forms of private information that are not immediately accessible to  government agents. To overcome this information problem, the national  government can delegate the screening and regulation functions. American  immigration law, for example, delegates extensive authority to both  private entities - paradigmatically, employers and families - and to the  fifty states. From the government’s perspective, delegation carries  with it benefits and costs. On the benefit side, agents frequently have  easy access to information about the types and activities of migrants,  and can cheaply monitor and control them. On the cost side, agents’  preferences are not always aligned with those of the national  government. The national government can ameliorate these costs by giving  agents incentives to act consistently with the government’s interests.  Understanding these virtues and vices of delegation sheds light on  longstanding debates about the roles that employers, families, and  states play in American immigration law.</p>

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<author>Adam B. Cox et al.</author>


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<title>Pathways after Default: What Happens to Distressed Mortgage Borrowers and Their Homes?</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/281</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/281</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 06 Oct 2011 08:05:44 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>We use  a detailed dataset of seriously delinquent mortgages to examine the  dynamic process of mortgage default – from initial delinquency and  default to final resolution of the loan and disposition of the property.  We estimate a two-stage competing risk hazard model to assess the  factors associated with whether a borrower behind on mortgage payments  receives a legal notice of foreclosure, and with what ultimately happens  to the borrower and property. In particular, we focus on a borrower’s  ability to avoid a foreclosure auction by getting a modification, by  refinancing the loan, or by selling the property. We find that the  outcomes of the foreclosure process are significantly related to: the  terms of the loan; the borrower’s credit history; current loan-to-value  and the presence of a junior lien; the borrower’s post-default payment  behavior; the borrower’s participation in foreclosure counseling;  neighborhood characteristics such as foreclosure rates, recent house  price depreciation and median income; and the borrower’s race and  ethnicity.</p>

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<author>Sewin Chan et al.</author>


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<title>Tax Reform Implications of the Risk of a U.S. Budget Catastrophe</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/280</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/280</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 06 Oct 2011 08:05:40 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Despite the demographic causes of the long-term U.S. fiscal gap, only severe dysfunction in our political system, abetted by malfunctioning and discontinuously responsive global financial markets, could lead to a U.S. budget catastrophe. Unfortunately, the risk of disaster appears to be alarmingly high. The rising danger has implications both for income tax reform and for the possible adoption of new tax instruments.</p>
<p>For income tax reform, the main implication is that base-broadening should be undertaken without accompanying 1986-style tax rate reduction. The threat of a fiscal catastrophe also raises concern about otherwise desirable but potentially revenue-losing reforms, such as to the rules for corporate and international taxation.</p>
<p>A number of tax instruments not currently used in the U.S. might be appealing even if the reform that included them was revenue-neutral overall. These include a value-added tax (VAT), a carbon tax, and a financial activities tax (FAT), although in my view a financial transactions tax (FTT) would not have comparable merit. All of these instruments potentially gain appeal if they could be used to ease the political prospects for raising overall U.S. tax revenues, and thus for reducing the risk of a budgetary catastrophe.﻿</p>

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<author>Daniel Shaviro</author>


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<title>Towards a Brighter Fourth Amendment: Privacy and Technological Change</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/279</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/279</guid>
<pubDate>Fri, 16 Sep 2011 12:46:21 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This Article seeks to solve the problem of technological change eroding privacy by developing a framework of bright line Fourth Amendment rules.  As technologies such as digitalization and the internet become increasingly important in our daily lives, we come to expect less privacy in many areas of life.  Since the Fourth Amendment protects citizens’ reasonable expectations of privacy against unreasonable government intrusions, the Fourth Amendment provides increasingly less protection as technology diminishes privacy expectations.  Moreover, law enforcement agencies continually develop more sophisticated surveillance technology to spy on private conduct.  However, courts are unable to keep up with these rapid technological developments because technology changes too quickly for judicially created rules, and judges often misunderstand the underlying technological issues.  Similarly, technology changes too quickly even for statutory rules, and legislatures are lobbied by law enforcement agencies to weaken privacy protections.  Although law enforcement agencies could regulate themselves to protect privacy, they have little incentive to do so.  Therefore, the only way to adequately protect privacy against government surveillance is for courts to adopt bright line Fourth Amendment rules.  Given the strictness of such rules, they should only be initially adopted for homes and human bodies, uncontroversial areas that have received longstanding, heightened legal protection.  Bright line rules provide clear boundaries to law enforcement, thereby ensuring that current Fourth Amendment doctrine does not become increasingly empty.  They also encourage police to adopt technologies that do not infringe on protected areas of privacy.  Once courts have established the bright line rule framework, it can later be expanded to include new areas, such as email or automobiles, based on technological change and social use.</p>

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<author>Joshua S. Levy</author>


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<title>The FTC, IP, and SSOs: Government Hold-Up Replacing Private Coordination</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/278</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/278</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 15 Sep 2011 09:00:27 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>In its  recent report entitled “The Evolving IP Marketplace,” the Federal Trade  Commission (FTC) advances a far-reaching regulatory approach (Proposal)  whose likely effect would be to distort the operation of the  intellectual property (IP) marketplace in ways that will hamper the  innovation and commercialization of new technologies. The gist of the  FTC Proposal is to rely on highly non-standard and misguided definitions  of economic terms of art such as “ex ante” and “hold-up,”  while urging new inefficient rules for calculating damages for patent  infringement. Stripped of the technicalities, the FTC Proposal would so  reduce the costs of infringement by downstream users that the rate of  infringement would unduly increase, as potential infringers find it in  their interest to abandon the voluntary market in favor of a more  attractive system of judicial pricing. As the number of nonmarket  transactions increases, the courts will play an ever larger role in  deciding the terms on which the patents of one party may be used by  another party. The adverse effects of this new trend will do more than  reduce the incentives for innovation; it will upset the current set of  well-functioning private coordination  activities in the IP marketplace that are needed to accomplish the  commercialization of new technologies. Such a trend would seriously  undermine capital formation, job growth, competition, and the consumer  welfare the FTC seeks to promote.</p>
<p>In this paper, we examine how  these consequences play out in the context of standard-setting  organizations (SSOs), whose activities are key to bringing standardized  technologies to market. If the FTC’s proposed definitions of “reasonable  royalties” and “incremental damages” become the rules for calculating  damages in patent infringement cases, the stage will be set to allow the  FTC and private  actors to attack, after the fact, all standard pricing methods through  some combination of antitrust litigation or direct regulation on the  ground that such time-honored royalty arrangements involve the use of  monopoly power by patent licensors. In consequence, the FTC’s Proposal,  if adopted, could well encourage potential licensees to adopt the very  holdout strategies the FTC purports to address and that well-organized  SSOs routinely counteract today. Simply put, the FTC’s proposal for  regulating IP by limiting the freedom of SSOs to set their own terms  would replace private coordination with government hold-up.  The FTC should instead abandon its preliminary recommendations and  support the current set of licensing tools that have fueled effective  innovation and dissemination in the IP marketplace. FTC forbearance from  its unwise Proposal will improve bargaining incentives, reduce  administrative costs, and remove unnecessary elements of legal  uncertainty in the IP system, thereby allowing effective marketplace  transactions to advance consumer welfare.</p>

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<author>Richard Epstein et al.</author>


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<title>The Constitutional Protection of Trade Secrets and Patents under the Biologics Price Competition and Innovation Act of 2009</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/277</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/277</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 15 Sep 2011 08:35:26 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>The Biologics Price Competition and Innovation Act of 2009 (“Biosimilars Act”) 1 is for the field of pharmaceutical products the single most important legislative development since passage of the Drug Price Competition and Patent Term Restoration Act of 1984 (“Hatch-Waxman Act”),2 on which portions of the Biosimilars Act are clearly patterned. Congress revised section 351 of the Public Health Service Act (PHSA) to create a pathway for FDA approval of “biosimilar” biological products. Each biosimilar applicant is required to cite in its application a “reference product” that was approved on the basis of a full application containing testing data and manufacturing information, which is owned and was submitted by another company and much of which constitutes trade secret information subject to constitutional protection. Because the Biosimilars Act authorizes biosimilar applicants to cite these previously approved applications, the implementation of the new legislative scheme raises critical issues under the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution, pursuant to which private property—trade secrets included—may not be taken for public use, without “just compensation.” FDA must confront those issues as it implements the scheme set out in the Biosimilars Act. This article will discuss these issues, after providing a brief overview of the Biosimilars Act and a more detailed examination of the law of trade secrets.</p>

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<author>Richard Epstein</author>


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<title>Voting Through Agents: How Mutual Funds Vote on Director Elections</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/276</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/276</guid>
<pubDate>Wed, 07 Sep 2011 09:49:53 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Shareholder voting has become an increasingly important focus of corporate governance, and mutual funds control a substantial percentage of shareholder voting power. The manner in which mutual funds exercise that power, however, is poorly understood. In particular, because neither mutual funds nor their advisors are beneficial owners of their portfolio holdings, there is concern that mutual fund voting may be uninformed or tainted by conflicts of interest. These concerns, if true, hamper the potential effectiveness of regulatory reforms such as proxy access and say on pay. This article analyzes mutual fund voting decisions in uncontested director elections. We find that mutual funds use a variety of strategies to economize on the costs of making voting decisions, including having funds in the same fund family vote in lockstep, voting virtually always in accordance with management recommendations, and voting virtually always in accordance with recommendations of ISS. Smaller fund families employ these strategies to a greater extent than larger families.</p>
<p>We further adduce evidence on how ISS recommendations affect fund voting. Funds that account for less than 10% of the assets in our sample exhibit a strong tendency to follow ISS recommendations, a much smaller percentage than funds that virtually always follow management recommendations (approximately 25% of assets). A much larger percentage (36% of the assets) votes in accordance with ISS withhold recommendations in approximately 50% of the cases. We conclude that the influence of ISS is due more to funds’ measured evaluation of the ISS recommendations rather than to funds blindly following these recommendations.</p>
<p>We find no evidence that funds in families that are affiliated with commercial banks, investment banks, or insurance companies have a stronger proclivity than independent funds to vote in accordance with management recommendations or to shield their votes from criticism in order to maintain good business relations or generate new business for their affiliates.</p>
<p>The largest fund families - Vanguard, Fidelity, and American Funds, each of which individually accounts for roughly 11% of total mutual fund assets - vote substantially differently both from each other and from ISS recommendations. This is strong evidence of heterogeneity in the voting behavior of mutual funds in director elections.</p>
<p>Finally, we examine the factors associated with high (in excess of 30%) withhold votes in director elections. An ISS withhold recommendation, in conjunction with at least one of four factors - a withhold vote by Fidelity, the director missing 25% of board meetings, the company having ignored a shareholder resolution that received majority support, and a Vanguard withhold vote on outside directors with business ties to the company - is associated with a 49% probability of receiving a high withhold vote. Directors in these groups account for 48% of all directors who received high withhold votes. By contrast, an ISS withhold recommendation that is not combined with one of these factors is associated with only a 21% probability of a high withhold vote, and the general probability of a high withhold vote is a mere 2%. These findings suggest steps that companies and directors should take to try to avoid high withhold votes. They are also evidence that not all ISS recommendations have the same impact on voting outcomes.</p>

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<author>Stephen J. Choi et al.</author>


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<title>Optimal allocation of law-making power over bankruptcy law in “federal” and “quasi-federal” legal systems:  is there a case for harmonizing or unifying bankruptcy law in the E.U.?</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/275</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/275</guid>
<pubDate>Tue, 06 Sep 2011 10:12:31 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p><em>In “federal” or “quasi-federal” legal systems, the competence over bankruptcies can be allocated either to the “federal' level” or to the “member states”. In this regard, the E.U. and the U.S. follow two different paths: while in the U.S. bankruptcy law is federalized, in the E.U. it is governed by member states. E.U. law has only unified choice-of-law and choice-of-forum criteria through a Regulation enacted in 2000, according to which, the main insolvency proceeding is governed by the jurisdiction of debtor’s “Centre of Main Interests” (“COMI”). This mechanism was meant to grant legal certainty and to avoid forum shopping, but was conceived in a 'static' world, where corporations could not freely transfer their headquarters into another member state and could not reincorporate abroad. This world, however, has collapsed, due to the increasing integration of the European markets and the evolution of E.U. law. European corporations now often have assets, activities and even headquarters in member states different from the state of incorporation and, additionally, can reincorporate from one state to another. The consequence is that, in this new environment of increasing corporate mobility, the E.U. Regulation is not able to reach its original goals. Thus, the question arises as to whether the Regulation should be amended and as to whether bankruptcy law should be harmonized or even unified at the European level. Full harmonization, on paper, has a number of advantages. Nonetheless, in the paper I argue that, at the present stage of the evolution of the E.U. institutions, it is more convenient to harmonize only few specific topics of bankruptcy law and allow transparent regulatory arbitrages and forum shopping.  I suggest replacing the COMI with the registered office, as choice-of-law and choice-of-forum criterion for bankruptcies: in this way, by reincorporating in another country, corporations would transparently also choose the preferred bankruptcy law. In order to grant to member states the power to protect local interests, however, a number of rules with redistributive impact should be carved-out from general bankruptcy law and regulated by the law of the state of the COMI, regardless of the location of the registered office.</em></p>

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<author>Federico M. Mucciarelli</author>


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<title>The Failure of the Organizational Sentencing Guidelines</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/274</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/274</guid>
<pubDate>Wed, 03 Aug 2011 13:46:02 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>In order to deter corporate crime, corporate sanctions must be structured to induce large corporations to help federal prosecutors detect and punish corporate crime. Specifically, firms must be encouraged to detect and report wrongdoing, and to cooperate with the government’s effort to identify and sanction the individuals responsible for the crime. Firms will not engage in these activities unless they face lower expected sanctions if they detect, report, and cooperate than if they do not. This Article examines whether the Organizational Sentencing Guidelines achieve this objective and shows that they do not. Although the Organizational Sentencing Guidelines offer sanction mitigation to firms that adopt effective compliance programs, self-report, and cooperate, this Article shows that these provisions offer too little mitigation to encourage firms to detect, report, and help prosecute the employees’ crimes. Indeed, the Guidelines’ mitigation provisions are particularly inadequate in the very circumstances where corporate detection and investigation is most important: in cases involving crimes committed by managers of large firms. As a result, U.S. efforts to deter corporate crime are undermined by adherence to the Organizational Sentencing Guidelines. This may partly explain why the Department of Justice adopted an alternative strategy for encouraging corporate reporting and cooperation, one that differs materially from the Organizational Guidelines. To help deter corporate crime, the Sentencing Commission should reform the Guidelines.﻿</p>

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<author>Jennifer Arlen</author>


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<title>CORPORATE CRIMINAL LIABILITY: THEORY AND EVIDENCE</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/273</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/273</guid>
<pubDate>Wed, 27 Jul 2011 07:07:44 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>This Chapter examines the existing structure of corporate criminal liability, providing empirical evidence on the types of firms convicted and the magnitude and nature of the sanctions imposed.  It then examines whether existing U.S. enforcement practice is consistent with optimal corporate liability, especially for firms where ownership is separated from day-to-day control.  The first part of this analysis determines the optimal structure of corporate liability.  It shows that optimal corporate liability has different purposes, and thus a different structure, from individual criminal liability (Becker, 1968) whenever the optimal deterrence requires expenditures to detect and investigate corporate wrongdoing.  This chapter also shows that the core purposes of corporate liability and optimal structure differ fundamentally from those articulated by the classic economic models of vicarious liability (Kornhauser, 1982; Sykes, 1984) and from analyses of corporate criminal liability that employ a similar model (Polinsky and Shavell, 1993).  In contrast with these analyses, firms should not be strictly criminally liable for their employees’ crimes.  Instead, corporate criminal liability should be duty-based, in that firms should be able to avoid criminal liability if they engage in optimal policing (monitoring, self-reporting, and cooperating).  This structure is consistent with the current regime.  Moreover, in contrast with classic analysis which holds that the state should reduce corporate criminal liability to reflect individual criminal liability and market sanctions, this Chapter shows, the state should not reduce the duty-based criminal sanction to reflect either sanctions imposed on individual wrongdoers or market-sanctions.  The state generally should impose residual civil liability on all firms, even those that undertake optimal policing; the state should reduce (or eliminate) the residual civil sanction to the extent that the firm otherwise bears the full expected cost of crime as a result of individual liability or market sanctions.  Finally, this Chapter examines the federal government’s current practice of using deferred and non-prosecution agreements to impose structural reforms on firms and discusses analysis showing that this practice can be consistent with optimal deterrence when corporate policing decisions are distorted by agency costs.</p>

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<author>Jennifer Arlen</author>


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<title>Regulation and the Nature of the Firm: The Case of U.S. Regional Airlines</title>
<link>http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/272</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://lsr.nellco.org/nyu_lewp/272</guid>
<pubDate>Mon, 18 Jul 2011 07:17:01 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>In his pathbreaking article, Ronald H. Coase postulated that the structure of production was determined by the comparative advantage between contracting and hierarchy in securing and coordinating complementary resources (human or material) when the efforts of more than one person were required for production. While Coase considered the possibility that the regulatory context in which activity takes place might also influence the way it is structured, he considered the problem only very generally.   This paper suggests that airline deregulation has profoundly affected the structure of firms that operate airline networks by affecting the contractual conditions under which airlines purchase labor inputs, by removing constraints on the extent and nature of the firm’s route network and by changing the competitive environment in which airline firms operate.   Where a stable uniform firm structure existed under regulation, airline networks now are organized with a variety of firm structures and individual networks have changed as particular conditions have changed over time.  No single structure dominates, although some are more common than others.</p>

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<author>Michael E. Levine</author>


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